The Transitional Deal: Between Regional Calculations and the Requirements for Protecting Palestinian Identity

Trump and Imposing a Ceasefire on Netanyahu 

It is now certain that only a few days, give or take, separate us from the announcement of a transitional agreement for a temporary ceasefire. Trump, who claims he protected Israel or even saved it from its war with Iran, will not allow Netanyahu to continue imposing his own political agenda on what Trump believes is his opportunity to reshape the region within the context of ongoing regional and international conflict. The demands or amendments proposed by the resistance on the framework agreement are considered, from the mediators' perspective, including Washington, not to alter the essence of the agreement that has become a comprehensive regional and international interest.

The Israeli Game in Post-Deal Negotiations
 
Netanyahu, who sees himself as a partner in Trump's strategic vision for the region, will not be able to manipulate Trump regarding the urgent need for a ceasefire announcement. The occupying government did not reject the Palestinian amendments, even if it claimed they were unacceptable. It will seek, during the ongoing negotiations or after the deal announcement, to impose realities that serve its objectives. Perhaps the central point of focus, under false pretenses, is what it calls "creating a humanitarian area for the residents of the Gaza Strip until their homes are rebuilt." It has announced its intention to position this area in the south, thus insisting on retaining control over the Moriah and Philadelphi axes to tighten control over the population within. Under the pretext of ensuring medicine and food, Israel seeks to continue controlling these supplies through its dominance over this axis, without relinquishing its strategic option, not only of isolating Hamas and its government but of implementing what it calls "voluntary or safe emigration" from this large prison it seeks to impose, which could extend for years.

From Genocide to Displacement and the Dismantling of the Homeland

In this context, Israel may agree during the sixty-day negotiations to stop the war, as Trump desires, but not without a price; such as disarming the resistance and symbolically removing its leaders. In doing so, it will consider that it has achieved its goals from the genocide that has lasted nearly two years. Moreover, to ensure this is achieved on the ground, it wants to control every little detail, tightening its grip on the crossings to control the quantity of relief and construction materials according to its plans for maximum displacement. Most importantly for it is not allowing the unification of the two parts of the homeland, which if achieved would be a strategic blow to Netanyahu's project of dismantling the Palestinian identity and preventing the establishment of an independent Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital along the 1967 borders.

Gaza and the National Entitlement: After the Genocide 

A ceasefire, in preparation for halting the daily genocide, is a Palestinian national necessity not only for the people of Gaza who are daily slaughtered by killing and starvation but for every Palestinian nationalist. Simply because the genocide in Gaza is an inseparable part of a sinister plan to liquidate the Palestinian cause in all its dimensions. We must recognize that the real war will begin after the ceasefire, as the Tel Aviv government attempts to design what it calls "the day after" in a way that serves its strategy for engineering the Palestinian situation, so that it coincides with this engineering or, at least, is unable to confront it. The first thing it seeks is what is circulated about forming a special committee or body for Gaza that is isolated from the national identity; firstly to single it out, secondly to coerce it, and most importantly, to create dynamics that establish the reality of separating the sector, burdened with blood and destruction, from the national entitlements that require mobilizing the full energies of the Palestinians and all those who stand with them against the genocide they have been subjected to, which may continue in various forms.

The Urgent Task: National Reconciliation Government According to the Beijing Declaration 

The most important conclusion, based on the nature and content of the plan and expansionist ambitions of the Tel Aviv government, is that the priority to be adhered to lies in protecting the national identity from fragmentation attempts. What this requires, from now on, and not waiting for what is being planned for us in Washington and Tel Aviv, is the immediate announcement of activating the temporary leadership framework and forming a national reconciliation government that is non-factional... a national government in terms of its central role in managing the West Bank and Gaza, which was agreed upon in the Beijing Declaration. This is the fundamental reform, politically and nationally, that the Palestinian cause needs to face the major tasks and dangers it faces, in line with priorities that have gained international, popular, and official consensus, represented in saving the lives of the people in Gaza, providing them with relief, and rebuilding their homes and sources of livelihood and their ability to survive. This must be parallel to tasks that enhance people's endurance and survival capabilities throughout the West Bank, including occupied Jerusalem, which is undergoing extensive annexation operations daily. This means it is essential to invest in this transitional phase to rebuild and strengthen the foundations of the Palestinian political system, so that the rulers of Tel Aviv and Washington cannot override the national rights to return, self-determination, and national independence, without which stability in the entire region cannot be achieved.