Disarmament in Gaza and the Three Illusions

Four months after the ceasefire, the genocide and total destruction in Gaza have halted, but the aggression has not stopped. It has been replaced by another war at a less intense pace from one side, resulting in around 600 martyrs, over 1,500 injured, and the destruction of thousands of homes and facilities, alongside the expansion of the "yellow zone" and the reduction of livable space in the sector. The Rafah crossing was only opened a few days ago, despite being expected to open in the first phase of the agreement, and its opening is closer to closure due to the reduction of the number of travelers, the imposition of humiliating conditions, and the control over the flow of humanitarian aid, relief materials, recovery, and reconstruction. Despite the formation of the technocratic committee a month ago, by a decision of the U.S. administration in coordination with Israel, guided by the "Trump Council" and the executive office supervised by the UN envoy Nikolai Mladenov, it has still not been allowed to enter the Gaza Strip, sending a clear message that Israel has the upper hand, and everything is occurring with its consent.

Even after the handover of the last Israeli body, nothing changed; rather, the aggression escalated, and the number of martyrs rose. Benjamin Netanyahu openly declared that Israel would not accept an international stabilization force of a supervisory nature or for peacekeeping, but rather wants it to be a force for disarmament, rejecting the participation of Turkish forces or others, and refusing the return of the Palestinian Authority to the sector, as well as the establishment of a Palestinian state, neither in the West Bank and the sector together nor even in the sector alone. The Israeli government acts on the basis that the current realities are final, building fortifications and military installations, and emphasizing that Israeli security sovereignty will remain until further notice.

In this context, the Palestinian found himself facing a coercive equation: either genocide or apartheid, either direct occupation or the "Trump Council" that provides the political umbrella for the occupation. The bet on Trump and trust in him have collapsed, leaving no alternative but to bet on Palestinian self-reliance first, on global solidarity movements second, and then on Arabs and friends, while adhering to wisdom and realism, focusing on steadfastness and the survival of the people in their land and keeping the cause alive, without submission or surrender, without adventure or political suicide. In light of this reality, the danger of clinging to three main illusions must be abandoned immediately.

The first is the illusion that a period of prosperity and reconstruction is just around the corner. This is an illusion disconnected from reality with the ongoing aggression, the Israeli control over all aspects of life, using reconstruction as a political weapon conditional on disarmament, and the sustainability of security control.

The second illusion is betting on the return of the Palestinian Authority to Gaza in its current form; the authority is being undermined in the West Bank, becoming more and more a powerless authority, pushed towards transforming into a functional agent serving the goals of the occupation, or collapsing; paving the way for its replacement with isolated local administrative committees, similar to the model of the technocratic committee in Gaza.

The third illusion is the persistence of the de facto authority in Gaza, either directly or indirectly. This illusion is the most dangerous, as it can be used by the occupying state, the apartheid state, as a pretext for the continuation of the current war or a return to genocidal warfare. Following Israel's new security doctrine after October 7 (2023), it will not allow a return to the status quo, neither today nor tomorrow, and will continue its policy of preemptive strikes, buffer zones, direct military presence, and support for local agents, and will not allow the Hamas authority to remain.

Netanyahu's government's intentions are clear: to maintain the status quo and use disarmament as an excuse until preparations are completed, creating facts on the ground for annexation, resolution, displacement, and deepening apartheid, culminating in the embodiment of the "Greater Israel" project. The occupying state has clearly announced its readiness to use force for disarmament if it is not achieved through "soft" means, without any rush, as the continuation of the current situation serves its goals.

In contrast, we have not heard any American condemnation of Israeli violations; instead, there is praise for what it calls "achievements" and repeated emphasis on the necessity of disarming Gaza, providing a cover and a green light for continued aggression. Worse is that months pass without any actual negotiations about the weapons, despite the possibility of that in the first phase, using it as a pretext for the continuation of collective punishments, and keeping Gaza as an unlivable area.

Hence, there is an urgent need for a new approach to the issue of weapons, based on utmost flexibility, which includes not linking disarmament to a political horizon, or to the establishment of a Palestinian state, or to national unity, because both are unattainable conditions at present, and not linking it to factional demands, because the rights and interests of the people are more important than the interests of individuals and factions; considering the option of gathering heavy weapons, particularly rockets, and placing them in friendly hands under clear arrangements, and linking the organization of weapons directly with reconstruction and Israeli withdrawal, as serious and rapid reconstruction alone can prevent displacement; refusing to hand over whatever remains of individual weapons in light of continuing assassinations and the arming of collaborating gangs and their assaults, threatening civil peace with chaos and security instability, unless a local security force or a reliable international stabilization force is available.

The goal is to prevent the weapon from becoming an excuse for the continuation of the war or a return to genocide, and to prevent the obstruction of reconstruction, and to open the Rafah crossing in a genuine way. Especially since the resistance itself has expressed readiness to organize the weapons and place them with a friendly party, and for a long-term truce that could last ten years freezing armed resistance in the Gaza Strip, in light of the catastrophic results that have occurred, after the people of the sector have paid costs beyond their capacity.

There is an urgent need today for a serious national discussion on forms of struggle and resistance after the "Flood of Al-Aqsa". The new reality imposes acceptance that armed struggle is not the only, nor the primary, path at this stage, without relinquishing the right to resist in all its forms, as resistance is broader than arms, and the real goal of the occupation is to break the will to resist, to break the steadfastness of the people, and their commitment to their rights, and to struggle to achieve them, not to confiscate rifles.

Previous experiences have taught us that postponing decisions based on illusions that will not be realized, such as betting on Trump or on forming a new Israeli government, under the pretext of improving negotiation conditions, may ultimately lead to worse conditions, as happened in exchange files and others. Therefore, what is required today is to minimize losses, provide conditions for effective steadfastness, thwart the plan to liquidate the cause, cut off the road to impose guardianship and alternatives that emerge strongly, and work seriously with new approaches to rearranging the Palestinian house based on a comprehensive vision of the current situation and its prospects, taking into account all scenarios, especially the likely ones, and adopting realistic national and revolutionary policies based on common denominators, and national integration around what can be agreed upon first, leading to real partnership and national unity based on implementing a comprehensive change, and reshaping the national project and appropriate strategies in a way that preserves the unity of the cause, the land, the people, the narrative, the rights, and the goals. And forming a unified national leadership capable of achieving this.