The Controversial Eighth Conference of Fatah Movement

No conference of the Fatah Movement has sparked as much controversy as the eighth conference; this may be due to the gravity of the stage and the unprecedented existential threats facing the movement, the authority, and the entire cause, in addition to the issue of the president's succession amid allegations of manipulation by the conference’s preparatory committee regarding conference membership.

The decision to convene the conference and the accompanying internal elections was necessary and correct, much like the local elections; it is an indicator of the will to remain steadfast and challenge the occupation, as political life continues despite the occupation’s desire to end any national presence, whether it is resistive or non-resistive. We still hope that the mentality that organized the conference and local elections will also organize the presidential and legislative elections; I still firmly believe that if these elections do not occur during President Abbas's term, they may never take place.

However, what we observe is the focus on conference membership and the mechanism for selecting members, the struggle for positions, particularly between the old guard and the youth and experienced members, as if the conference is merely an electoral stop to gain membership in the Central Committee and the Revolutionary Council and not an opportunity to revive the movement and address the strategic threats that threaten both the movement and the entire national cause.

On one hand, there are members of the Central Committee and the Revolutionary Council— the old guard or the temple guardians—who wish to maintain their positions at any cost, even those over eighty years old, and some of whom have been mere figures without any tangible activity or presence, hardly known to "Fatehists," let alone the rest of the people. They defend their positions, which provide them with a comfortable financial life and social status, despite some occupying political roles and other positions not related to the Central Committee. Some of this old generation do not trust the younger generation’s ability to bear responsibility during these difficult times. On the other hand, there are those eager to engage in organizational and political work and to reach advanced positions, particularly among the youth and those outside the framework of the Palestinian Authority’s work.

Amid all this clamor and confusion, the fundamental and essential issues are absent, such as the movement's political program, work strategy, the approach to resisting the occupation in the coming phase, internal Fatah reconciliation, the relationship with other factions, etc.

Our wishes for President Abbas are for a long life, but it is the way of life; the entire Palestinian situation, not just Fatah’s, is in a race against time and what remains of the president's life to save what can be saved and put the national cause on the right track. In this context, we hope that President Abbas will intervene and investigate the validity of the manipulations carried out by the preparatory committee in selecting conference members; there is a process of excluding loyal members of the movement in favor of individuals outside the movement who have been brought in as members of the conference, also benefiting administrators and employees associated with members of the Central Committee who are also in the preparatory committee. This is a major breach and flaw; it is unacceptable for members of the Central Committee and the Revolutionary Council who wish to run for reelection to also be members of the preparatory committee that determines who has the right to vote and choose!

If preparations for the conference continue in the same manner, there is a fear that the outcomes of the conference will be a "new Fatah organization" with no relation to the Palestinian national liberation movement "Fatah."