Netanyahu's Plan and the Required Palestinian Response
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Netanyahu's Plan and the Required Palestinian Response

The Israeli government is adopting Benjamin Netanyahu's plan based on sustainable military control over the remaining areas of the Gaza Strip (Gaza City and the central region) and the relocation of citizens from them, through three phases based on expanding humanitarian aid consistent with what U.S. President Donald Trump said, relocating populations to the south in line with the tent camp "detention" plan, and controlling Gaza City to dismantle the symbol of governance in the Gaza Strip.

This plan, with its five objectives; disarming Hamas, returning all abductees, complete disarmament of the Gaza Strip and security control over it, and establishing an alternative city administration instead of Hamas or the Palestinian Authority, requires a minimum timeframe of two months to displace about one million Palestinians from Gaza City, at least five months of military operations to defeat Hamas "not merely its surrender", and at least three years to secure stability through security control and complete disarmament of the Gaza Strip, and establishing a client government modeled after the army of Antoine Lahad or its new version, Yasser Abu Shabab, at the military level and village leagues at the administrative level.

This plan signifies a return to war from scratch, as if the Israeli government had not begun its war two years ago, and on a humanitarian level, it means the continued suffering, displacement, and repeated famine of Palestinians. This plan illustrates the strategic dimensions of the Israeli government's policy, which is founded on the ideological illusions of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu aimed at solidifying the State of Israel on the land of Israel from the river to the sea, through two levels; the first: direct military control over the West Bank and Gaza Strip, transforming them through policies of enforcing Israeli law "sovereignty" and annexation to the State of Israel established in 1948, and the second: the Jewish demographic superiority in the area between the river and the sea through the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians and imposing surrender or death on those who refuse Jewish colonization.

This clarity in the Israeli plan, both immediately and strategically on one hand, and the threat it poses to the entire Palestinian cause on the other; not only to the existence of Hamas as a military political party or administrative structures in the Gaza Strip, or the Palestinian Authority as a political administrative institution, requires political maturity from the leaderships of Fatah and Hamas and national courage within them to preserve the existential issue of the Palestinian people by adopting a political plan based on; an urgent understanding to establish a united Palestinian government that leads negotiations to halt the war and implement the Arab plan approved at the Arab Summit last March, and to translate the declaration of the recent New York Conference into political action, and to agree on a Palestinian struggle strategy based on popular resistance and extensive involvement in the framework of resisting the occupation.

These two issues re-arrange the internal Palestinian papers to prepare the necessary climate to emerge from this catastrophe, and address international demands related to the issue of arms in line with what was stated in the Arab plan, through either an agreement regarding internal arrangements or through United Nations methods concerning demobilizing fighters and integrating them into civilian life "DDR" and the presence of international peacekeeping forces to protect the Palestinian people as stipulated in the New York Conference declaration.

This article expresses the opinion of its author and does not necessarily reflect the opinion of Sada News Agency.