The Call of Jerusalem to the Eighth Conference of Fatah: Between Pain and Duty

From the heart of Jerusalem, the city that does not sleep on its pain and only awakens to a new wound, I write these words as you head to the eighth general conference of Fatah, not as a neutral narrator, but as a witness burdened with sadness and anger. I write as a citizen who sees his city slipping day by day towards a reality that threatens its existence, identity, and future, while a heavy history of sacrifices and hopes accumulates on the shoulders of its people.

Jerusalem today is not merely a political title or a postponed negotiation file, but an open confrontation arena, where every detail of life faces attempts of uprooting and forced reconfiguration. In its old streets, where the scent of history mingles with the sound of the call to prayer and church bells, the policies of occupation advance steadily, attempting to dismantle this ancient fabric and transform it into a strange scene that does not resemble its original spirit.

The policies of Judaization that Jerusalem faces are no longer hidden or open to interpretation. They are clear and explicit, starting with the withdrawal of identities, passing through economic and social restrictions, and ending with the systematic demolition of homes. Thousands of Jerusalemite families live under constant threat, facing the possibility of demolition at any moment, or tax threats that burden them, or administrative restrictions that suffocate their most basic rights to build and live. The city that was once a refuge and home has turned into a heavy burden on its children, in an attempt to push them to leave in silence.

As for the Israeliization, it is not merely an educational or administrative policy, but a comprehensive project targeting consciousness and identity. In schools, distorted curricula are imposed that erase the Palestinian narrative and reshape history in ways that serve the occupier's narrative. In institutions, laws and procedures are imposed that forcibly integrate the city into the occupation framework, trying to sever all ties it has with its Arab and Palestinian extension. This process targets not only the land but the human being itself, his memory, language, and belonging.

Alongside this, the pace of settlement accelerates at an unprecedented rate. Settlements are not only growing on the outskirts of the city but are infiltrating its heart, besieging Arab neighborhoods, cutting their ties, and altering their landmarks. Every stone placed in a settlement project is a clear message: that there are those who work day and night to change the demographic and geographical reality of Jerusalem, imposing a new reality that makes any talk of a just solution merely a distant illusion.

And one cannot speak of Jerusalem without stopping at the targeting of sacred places, both Islamic and Christian alike. The Al-Aqsa Mosque is subjected to repeated incursions, and attempts to impose temporal and spatial divisions, in a blatant challenge to the feelings of millions of Muslims around the world. The Church of the Holy Sepulchre and other Christian sanctities face restrictions and assaults that threaten their historical and spiritual character.

Occupation does not differentiate here between one religion and another, but sees in every Palestinian religious symbol an obstacle to its project.
O members of the conference, this reality can no longer bear more statements or traditional speeches. Jerusalem needs real action, a strategic activism program that places it back at the heart of the national project, not on its margins. It is time for a deep and honest review, acknowledging shortcomings before searching for solutions.

Fatah, representing a significant history and mass weight, bears special responsibility towards Jerusalem. But the undeniable truth is that the movement's presence in the city has diminished, and its tools for confrontation are no longer up to the challenges. There is a clear gap between the magnitude of the danger and the magnitude of the action, between rhetoric and practice, and this gap is what the conference must discuss with courage and clarity.

What is required today is not merely moral support, but the construction of a comprehensive strategy based on several axes. First, reinforcing the steadfastness of Jerusalemite citizens through genuine economic and social programs that enable them to stay in the face of pressure. This means supporting housing, assisting small projects, and providing social safety nets that mitigate the impact of occupation policies.

Secondly, rebuilding the organizational presence in Jerusalem, in a way that touches people's daily lives and increases its capabilities to interact with their issues and concerns. Organization is not slogans, but ongoing field work, requiring qualified cadres, clear plans, and precise follow-up.

Thirdly, investing in education and culture as resistance tools. Confronting Israeliization is not only about rejecting imposed curricula, but developing strong alternatives that reinforce national identity and connect new generations to their history and belonging.

Fourthly, activating legal and international work to pursue and expose occupation policies, utilizing every possible platform to shed light on what is happening in Jerusalem. The world may not always act, but it needs someone to constantly and systematically present the facts before it.

But before all that, there is an urgent need for self-clarity. One cannot continue in the same approach and expect different results. Critique is not a luxury, but a necessity. And the conference must be a real space for this critique, not just a formal stop to renew slogans.

O conference members, Jerusalem does not ask for the impossible, but it asks for sincerity. It asks to be a real priority, not a secondary item. It asks for decisions to transform into actions, and for words to become executable plans.

History will not be forgiving, and future generations will not read statements, but will look at what has been achieved on the ground. So either you are worthy of this moment, or you will leave a void that no one will fill.

Jerusalem calls you, not only with a loud voice but with a deep pain that extends into every corner of it. It calls you to restore its place in your project and to write a new chapter worthy of its history and the sacrifices of its people.

And if Jerusalem has unveiled its wounds and revealed the challenges it faces, then duty can only be fulfilled by proposing clear, practical suggestions that move from ink on paper to executable policies. The eighth conference is facing a real test moment, that does not tolerate hesitation or delay, but requires bold decisions that restore Jerusalem's central position in the national project.

The first of these steps is represented in the establishment of a special commission for Jerusalem, a commission that is an integral part of the Central Committee commissions, not a subsidiary or marginal one. A commission that possesses real powers, an independent budget, and a specialized cadre capable of understanding the complexities of the Jerusalem scene and dealing with it flexibly and professionally. Jerusalem is not an ordinary file that can be managed within general frameworks, but it needs a dedicated organizational body that works daily and directly, following every detail of life in the city.

This commission should be a unified reference for everything related to Jerusalem within the movement, coordinating between different frameworks, setting plans, monitoring implementation, and subjecting itself to periodic accountability before the leadership. It should also have direct contact with the people of Jerusalem, listening to them, conveying their voices, and working for them, not merely speaking on their behalf.

As for the second proposal, it is to establish a strategic activism program specific to Jerusalem, with clear objectives, defined tools, and a time frame. A program that does not just react but initiates action, creating realities on the ground. This program should be based on a comprehensive vision that combines popular, political, economic, cultural, and legal work.

In the popular aspect, it is essential to restore the value of organized popular movement, involving all segments of Jerusalemite society. Thoughtful, continuous, and diverse activities that place the occupation in a state of constant exhaustion, and restore the street's role as a fundamental actor in the confrontation.

In the economic aspect, a special national fund must be launched to support the steadfastness of Jerusalem, funding small projects, supporting threatened families, and contributing to the protection of properties from leakage or forced sale. The economy here is not just a living matter, but a tool for resilience and survival.

In the educational and cultural aspect, the battle is a battle for consciousness and identity. The required support is for national schools, developing curricula that enhance belonging, and launching cultural initiatives that preserve the Palestinian narrative in the face of attempts at erasure and distortion. Investment in youth is also crucial, considering them the first line of defense for the city's identity and future.

In the legal aspect, specialized teams must be formed to follow up on cases of demolition, withdrawal of identities, and settlement, before local and international courts. Every case should turn into a legal battle that exposes the occupation's policies and accumulates achievements, even if they are partial.

Among the necessary proposals is also the rebuilding of the organizational structure of the movement in Jerusalem, based on new foundations that emphasize efficiency and commitment, rather than on quotas or narrow considerations. A strong organization means the ability to act, initiate, and communicate with people. This requires injecting new blood, qualifying cadres, and opening the space for young energies to participate in decision-making.

It is also essential to enhance partnership with all components of the Palestinian national movement in Jerusalem, away from the logic of exclusivity or negative competition. Jerusalem is greater than any faction, and its battle requires a unified collective effort based on coordination and integration.

One cannot overlook the Arab and international dimension, as there must be an activation of a network of political and media relations that keeps Jerusalem on the world agenda permanently. Professional media campaigns, addressing global public opinion in various languages, revealing the reality of what is happening, and breaking the Israeli narrative that attempts to market a false reality.

Among the proposals of equal importance is the establishment of a system for monitoring and evaluating all plans and programs that are approved. It is not enough to make decisions; we must monitor implementation, measure results, and hold accountable those who fall short. Transparency and accountability are the only guarantees against repeating past mistakes.

O conference members, these proposals are not an intellectual luxury but an existential necessity. Jerusalem cannot afford to wait any longer, nor endure more promises. It needs decisions that start from here, from the conference hall, and extend to every street and alley in the city.

If you are looking for a title for a new phase, let it be Jerusalem in deed, not in word. And if you want to regain the trust of the people, start from where the greatest pain stands.

Jerusalem has presented you with its truth and called upon you. The rest is your decision... So do you hear the call?