The President's Inner Circle and the Challenge of Reforming the Palestinian Political System

We will continue to write about the crisis of the Palestinian political system and our internal situations, not out of neglect for the existential danger posed by the occupation and its terrorist practices, nor about the destruction, death, hunger, and danger of displacement faced by our people in the Gaza Strip. The situation of our people in the West Bank is no better. Also, the Trump initiative represents dangers to our national project that are no less than the threat of Israeli genocide, despite containing vague words about a Palestinian state. We cannot ignore the international popular changes in favor of justice for our cause.

However, all of this should not make us forget to pay attention to our internal conditions because, no matter how situations develop, positively or negatively, there will still be a crucial number that cannot bring peace to the region and the world without them: the Palestinian people, who must have a common platform agreed upon by all. The absence of this platform and the continued division facilitate the enemy's passing of its schemes and allow external parties to intervene in our internal affairs under justifications of ideological nationalism, Islamic motives, or humanitarian reasons, etc. Furthermore, neglecting our internal political situations will leave the issue in the hands of a political class that is incapable, corrupt, and falsely claims to represent the Palestinian people.

It seems that President Abu Mazen, due to his numerous preoccupations and advancing age, can no longer keep up with everything happening on the national and international scene or the shifts in national public opinion as he used to. Therefore, he relies heavily on his inner circle, among whom are sincere nationalists who assess matters according to the national interest. However, there are also those who evaluate matters and act based on their personal interests and external affiliations, as well as in their assessment and vision regarding the intellectuals, thinkers, and opinion leaders among the people.

This last group within the president's inner circle, which is entrenched and influential in the executive and central committees and the authority, cultivates the president's fondness for his loved ones among relatives and friends and those it approves of among hypocrites and opportunists. It dislikes or entirely ignores news from those who do not flatter them, appease them, or criticize their behaviors—even if they are with the president and his approach.

Thus, there is a gap between the president and the people, especially the opinion holders, thinkers, and sincere national intellectuals among the Fatah movement and the general populace.

The problem of the political system lies in this political class and inner circle that do not change or swap out. They do not get sick, retire, become irrelevant, or die except while in positions of power—a political class that does not err or have its calculations betray it. How could this be when they are the guardians and priests of the temple, steadfast on the principles that have become ambiguous to the public! The sacred cow that has lost its sanctity; this class continues to encircle the president so that he sees only what they see and hears only what they whisper to him.

One might say that advancing age is not an obstacle to carrying out major national tasks and overseeing the management of the state, as many leaders around the world have reached advanced ages and still lead their nations smoothly. This is true, but in a state of institutions where matters are stable, there are solid institutions and a deep state that supports the president, even if he is absent from the scene, as there are mechanisms for power transition. So where are the institutions of the State of Palestine? What are they? Is there a deep state in the Palestinian situation? Who constitutes it?

When we criticized the way the Hamas movement conducts resistance, we were accused of being against the resistance against the occupation. There was a deliberate confusion between the Hamas movement and resistance, and even between that and Islam, until anyone who criticizes the Hamas movement is viewed as hostile to the right to resist the occupation and even to Islam. It is said that one cannot criticize the resistance while it is in combat with the enemy! We have seen the outcomes resulting from Hamas's practices and failed bets, and we will hear some say that it is unacceptable to criticize the official political system while they are under threat from Netanyahu and his right-wing government, and even from the American administration. Anyone who criticizes the Palestinian leadership will be accused of being against the national project and against the president.

But will silence on what is happening and the remaining organization and authority, the president's inner circle, and even Fatah as they are help to bring the national issue out of its deadlock? Can the Fatah movement and the Palestine Liberation Organization be defined now, away from narrating their history, regarding their principles, their starting points, and their original political program? What is their political program, and what is their role now in confronting the occupation, whether in the West Bank or Gaza Strip? Why are their positions hesitant and ambiguous towards Hamas? Why do they hide their corruption and ineptness by endorsing the Al-Aqsa Flood and the resistance of Hamas, ignoring the suffering of the people in Gaza, as if they agree with Hamas that all residents of the sector are martyrdom candidates!? And why is the rejuvenation and reform of the Fatah movement contingent upon the return of those expelled from it? Why is the reform and rejuvenation of the Palestine Liberation Organization contingent upon the inclusion and joining of Hamas and Jihad? Why this stagnation and near-death of these two institutions and leaving their affairs to certain individuals to manipulate them and speak on their behalf while hiding their corruption and ineptness by accusing anyone who opposes or criticizes them of treason? And how long will they rely on and submit to the American vision and demands for reforming the authority without a democratic national project for national unity and reforming and rejuvenating the institutions of the authority, the organization, and the Fatah movement?

We criticize the leadership of the state, the Palestinian Authority, and even the president because they are the only address for the people at this stage after all bets on alternatives, whether Hamas and its allies or the structures and entities that were attempted to be established abroad, have failed.