Presidential Decrees of Abu Mazen and the Succession Dilemma

In the past two years, President Abu Mazen has issued several successive and sometimes contradictory presidential decrees, causing confusion in the Palestinian arena, as if the president is in a race against time and under pressure from multiple sources that impose this urgency on him. In this context, three reasons can be assumed for this confusion in the decrees:

1- International pressures to implement reforms in the authority, and the president believes that these decisions and decrees may meet foreign demands. However, the foreign understanding, especially that of Washington, regarding reform includes changing educational curricula, stopping incitement, removing unwanted figures from Israel and Washington, imposing others, and limiting the leadership's movement towards a two-state solution. These are matters the president cannot or does not wish to undertake, and they may be addressed by his successor. Meanwhile, the public's concept of reform means public elections for the authority and the PLO, which would alter the political class.

2- The factor of age, with the president reaching 89 years old and his health condition weakening his ability to follow up on numerous interrelated issues, raises fears of a power struggle over the succession among some in power centers, particularly within the Fatah movement or from outside it. Consequently, the president wishes to determine his succession by appointing Hussein Sheikh, who is accepted by foreign parties and pledged to the president and his family. However, he is controversial within Fatah and among the public, as he lacks the charisma of leadership and authority.

3- Fears of what is being arranged by Trump, Netanyahu, and Arab countries to change the Palestinian leadership and system, sidelining the president, the PLO, the existing authority, and its elite. The specter of Marwan Barghouti and Nasser Qudwa looms over the presidential compound to replace the specter of Muhammad Dahlan.

Among these confusing decrees and constitutional announcements:

On November 27, 2024, the president issued a constitutional decree stating that Ruhi Fattouh, as the president of the Palestinian National Council, would assume the duties of the president of the Palestinian Authority in the event of a vacancy for a period of 90 days until general elections are held. The same decree also appointed Hussein Sheikh to the positions of Vice President of the State of Palestine and Deputy Chairperson of the Executive Committee of the PLO. The Executive Committee of the PLO approved the appointment of Hussein Sheikh as Deputy Chairperson of the Executive Committee of the PLO and President of the State of Palestine on April 26, 2025.

On Saturday, July 19, 2025, the Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, in his capacity as Chairperson of the Executive Committee of the PLO, issued a decision stating (to conduct elections for the National Council before the end of 2025, on a date set by President Abbas himself)!
At that time, I wrote wondering about the possibility of holding elections within months? And why is the president rushing to issue decrees that are sometimes not implemented or manipulated in their implementation? And that's exactly what happened. A few days later, on August 7, the preparatory committee for the National Council elections held its first meeting, where it specified procedures and conditions that make it impossible to hold elections at the date mentioned in the president's decree. It is noteworthy that what was issued by the committee canceled what was stated in the president's decree, and its texts are filled with ambiguity, as the committee stated that the elections would be held after the war stops. We do not know what "stopping the war" means, is it the war on Gaza or the war against the entire population in the West Bank and Gaza? And did the war with the occupation begin on October 7, 2023, and was it not a war before that? When will the war in Gaza stop and how will it end? And does the initiation of Trump's initiative and the ceasefire mean stopping the war?

In the same first item, it was also stated (there will be a recovery period extending for a year, followed by providing an appropriate environment to conduct elections in Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip, and the West Bank)!! Then (dialogue will be conducted with all Palestinian factions from organizations, political factions, unions, and civil society organizations, as well as independent national figures to reach a general consensus before holding elections)!
A month after the National Council election decree and optimism for the revival of the PLO as the legitimate and sole representative of all Palestinians, which is what we expected from the president's decree, especially as it came after the threats of the Zionist right to end the existence of the Palestinian Authority, the president issued on Monday, August 18, a decree to form a committee to draft a temporary constitution to transition from the status of the national authority to statehood, in preparation for holding general elections. However, there is a draft of a temporary constitution prepared by a committee formed by President Abu Amar, chaired by Nabil Shaath, and involved many Palestinian, Arab, and international figures in constitutional law. The committee submitted its third revised version on May 15, 2003, and in 2011, President Mahmoud Abbas issued an amendment to the formation of the constitutional drafting committee, appointing Mr. Saleem Al-Zaanoun as the chair and Nabil Shaath as his deputy.

Regarding the latest decree to form a committee to draft the constitution, the official Palestinian news agency "Wafa" indicated that the president issued "a presidential decree to form a committee to draft a temporary constitution for the transition from the authority to the state," noting that this came "in preparation for going to general elections after the cessation of aggression and the withdrawal of Israeli occupation forces, and the assumption of the State of Palestine of its responsibility in the Gaza Strip, as well as in the context of preparations for the international peace conference at the summit level in September to implement the two-state solution!" The conference was held in New York, and we heard nothing about the temporary constitution or the elections, and the extension of the authority to the Gaza Strip seems further away, especially after the recent Cairo meeting of the factions last week.

Finally, just two days ago, on Sunday, October 26, the official Palestinian news agency "Wafa" reported the presidential decision stating: "If the position of President of the Palestinian National Authority becomes vacant in the absence of the legislative council, the Deputy Chair of the PLO Executive Committee and Vice President of the State of Palestine will temporarily assume the presidency of the National Authority for a period not exceeding ninety days, during which free and direct elections will be held for a new president, in accordance with the Palestinian election law."
The decision indicated that "if it is impossible to hold elections during that period due to force majeure, this period may be extended by a decision from the Palestinian Central Council for another period, and only once."

According to the new constitutional announcement, the constitutional announcement No. (1) of 2024 is annulled, which stipulated that the chair of the Palestinian National Council assumes the duties of the president in the event of a vacancy.

While we understand the difficulties of the current phase and what the national cause faces in terms of challenges and the importance of organizing the internal situation even within the scope of the Palestinian Authority, our observations revolve around the gradual neglect of the PLO or postponing the issue of activating it. There is also a retreat from enthusiasm for the Palestinian state and a return to focusing on the authority. This is what we deduce from the last constitutional announcement, which speaks only about the presidency of the Palestinian Authority without clarity regarding the presidency of the State of Palestine and the presidency of the PLO. Will this matter be addressed with subsequent decrees? Or will we return to a situation where all presidencies are centralized in one hand, with Hussein Sheikh holding all presidencies: the authority, the organization, and the state?