Mutual Deception in the October War

Author: حافظ البرغوثي

The deception in the current multi-front war is one of its most important weapons, leading it to what it is today. The United States has never considered striking Iran for over forty years, viewing it as a necessity in its strategy in the region. Its mission is to maintain the ring surrounding the victim, the Arab world, with Israel and Turkey, and it has settled for deceiving Iran in negotiations regarding its nuclear program. The last crucial session took place on a Sunday, but Trump deceived them, launching an airstrike two days prior. Israel did not think during Netanyahu's phase, and before him Olmert and Barak, about eliminating Hamas in order to maintain the Palestinian division that allows Israel to use it as a political tool preventing discussions about a Palestinian state. Now, neither Hamas, nor the authority, nor the PLO, nor the entire Palestinian people want this.

In March of last year, and from a perspective of deception, I indicated in two articles that Sinwar would bring about a revolution in the global system without him even realizing it. He favored de-escalation after the fake and bloody return marches in exchange for a monthly grant from Qatar, requested by Netanyahu and the first Trump administration. Jared Kushner, Trump's son-in-law, was sent alongside a representative from Netanyahu to convince Qatar to provide a monthly financial transfer to Hamas instead of the bags transported by Mohammed al-Emadi, which Netanyahu's office was responsible for delivering to Gaza. Netanyahu opened up work for a segment of Gaza’s workers to ease the suffocating economic situation that began to explode in Hamas’s face, against the backdrop of announcing the so-called "Deal of the Century" that marginalized the PLO.

Thus, all the confrontations since Hamas took control of Gaza were aimed at stripping legitimacy from the PLO in favor of Hamas alone, just as Hamas was established under the banner of fighting the secularism of the PLO. Netanyahu wanted to buy time with the Qatari grant, whereas Sinwar found no political outlook for Hamas’s continued rule in Gaza as a governing power. He seized the opportunity to build a sustainable underground force and manufacture weapons in preparation for a battle that was not on his mind. Therefore, he removed the fat political leadership crust from Hamas’s body and expelled them from Gaza with the wealth they had gained.

I indicated at that time, and now in our case, that Hamas may not appreciate what I say, nor may its adversaries appreciate it. The October attack conceals many secrets that will remain; did Sinwar promise direct Iranian interventions, for example? Israeli assessments indicated that had Hezbollah entered the war from the beginning, the military situation would have changed radically. Did it not occur to him that Iran would not sacrifice its gains in the Arab arena in Iraq, Yemen, Lebanon, and Syria for Gaza’s sands? They may sacrifice the Gaza card, but not the other cards. Sinwar was aware that the occupation would not allow Hamas to solidify its power in Gaza and support its strength. He knew that Netanyahu would deal a semi-fatal military blow against it just as he responded to his critics within the Likud party in closed sessions, stating that he planned a non-lethal response against Hamas later. Years ago, it was revealed that there were Israeli plans ready to pounce on Gaza and the West Bank, culminating in completely emptying it of its population and pushing them into Sinai, imposing sovereignty over the West Bank, as discussed in an article by the extremist minister Smotrich in 2017. Therefore, we noticed that Israeli officials spoke about establishing cities in Sinai and distributing Gaza's residents among the other Arab countries, presenting maps of proposed cities. It was observed that the Israeli ground attack began from the north and not from the center opposite Khan Yunis, where the October attack was focused on capturing soldiers. The goal was to destroy Gaza and displace the residents towards the border with Egypt. It is not a coincidence that Netanyahu opened the declaration of war by stating it as a prelude to a new Middle East, as if he were discussing a pre-prepared plan.

Sinwar had plans to build his military capabilities since he took over the leadership of the military wing, originating from a preventive strike against the occupation. He could not continue in a state of reconciliation with the occupation in the coming years because that would undermine the very rationale for his existence. There were serious indications about Sinwar’s preparations to deliver a strong blow against Israel, which he revealed in a television series that he sponsored about breaching the borders in the Khan Yunis area, taking prisoners and liberating settlements, filmed near the border fence in the locations that were breached in October. Following that, he held an academic conference to arrange the affairs in the liberated cities and manage them. The occupation paid minimal attention to this. Moreover, the surveillance tower signals surrounding Gaza were sending disturbing information, which was not heeded, regarding Hamas's training near the fence, as one of the female soldiers publicly acknowledged at the beginning of the war, only to be silenced later. The occupation leadership ignored this; the Israeli intelligence raised reports about Hamas's preparations, but Netanyahu overlooked them, according to a statement from his deputy Yair Lapid during a cabinet session where Netanyahu neglected intelligence reports regarding Hamas. Halivi also stated that he had contacted Netanyahu before the attack at dawn on the seventh of October, and it was said that he was asleep, so he called again at the time of the attack, and an Arab warning about an expected Hamas assault within 48 hours was ignored. A lot of intelligence and Aman agency information about an impending Hamas attack, along with a ground incursion, was collected before October seventh, but the military leadership preferred not to prepare immediately, as it was said in a Knesset session held to discuss the war after it erupted that this was to safeguard sensitive information sources. Were they agents inside Gaza or external parties? It is not true that Israel lacked information about Hamas's arming, tunneling, and intentions to breach the borders. They had an army of agents there, as well as international and regional monitoring capabilities. They were fully aware of the intricate details about Hezbollah, Iran, the leaderships, weapon caches, officers' names, paths, residences, and in the recent clashes between Islamic Jihad and the occupation, the occupation distinguished Islamic Jihad activists and their residences, targeting them while avoiding striking Hamas targets or activists. Additionally, the youth music festival held a few kilometers from Khan Yunis was visible with the naked eye; it usually took place near Masada Fortress in the Negev, near the Dead Sea, and was suddenly moved before the scheduled date to near Khan Yunis for a sinister purpose. Just as Netanyahu deceived Hamas and worked to pacify them with Qatari funds, Sinwar was deceiving Netanyahu by using the money to build a self-sufficient power that no force could displace him from, as he said to a friend during his visit to Cairo to participate in a reconciliation meeting in 2018. I referred to this in an article last year; I did not wish to reveal the name of his friend, who is still alive. Sinwar was keenly insightful about the robustness of his infrastructure and his fierce soldiers facing Israel, but he did not foresee the Western campaign fueled by colonial hatred rescuing Israel. He also did not consider the repercussions of the war on his people. On the night of the sixth and seventh of October, military intelligence deliberations took place following signs of Hamas declaring a state of emergency and activating elite forces using Israeli cell phones, in addition to preparations to set up missile platforms. However, military leaders, as they stated before a Knesset committee discussing the dismissal of former Chief of Staff Halivi, indicated that the army was keen to avoid announcing mobilization so as not to compromise its information sources about Hamas. It seems these were senior sources, perhaps they calculated the preparations for a small operation that did not warrant mobilization. However, it was decided that morning to launch a recon mission at eight-thirty, and time had already run out. The surprise came with the latest leak from the Knesset regarding soldiers from the Golani Brigade, where they detonated a bomb in their testimonies before a Knesset committee, affirming that they received orders the night of the October attack to cease reconnaissance patrols along the border fence from five-thirty in the morning until nine, and they received the order, which was recorded audibly, from their commander that he received this instruction without being allowed to discuss it or needing them to confer with him about it. The soldiers' testimony was later marginalized and deemed to be from a source disliking Netanyahu, but the leak remained on the Knesset platform, and no actions were taken against the soldiers.

More secrets of the seventh of October are unfolding in Israel, but on the resistance axis, there have been no leaks thus far. Did Sinwar take them with him as a martyr, along with the martyr Al-Arawi, and is there no one daring to reveal the axis's complacency? In the end, I say that the strong do not remain strong, and the American empire of evil is exhaling its last breaths under the patronage of a corrupt, decadent, and immoral jester opposed to all that is Palestinian. I believe he is at odds with the Lord Jesus Christ, peace be upon him, as he is Palestinian, along with all who have allied with him in sin and aggression. And Allah is behind the intent.