Why is Democracy Collapsing in Africa?

SadaNews - The Open Society Foundations has released a new report titled "Democracy Without Choice: How Neoliberalism has Hollowed Out Political Transformations in Africa," authored by Senegalese economist Ndongo Samba Sylla, providing a scathing critique of governance in Africa.

The report, cited by Africa Report, asserts that multiparty systems on the continent have often become mere "democracies without choice," where, despite an increase in elections, true sovereignty and economic justice remain elusive.

Published on Monday, the report indicates that the democratic experiment in Africa has been systematically undermined by structural adjustment programs, neoliberal doctrine, and new colonial monetary arrangements.

The report's findings contradict the assumption that political liberalization necessarily leads to prosperity and accountability.

Sylla, a former technical advisor to the Senegalese presidency, states, "You may have 10 candidates on the ballot, but whoever wins will be constrained by the same austerity, the same privatization doctrine, and the same economic liberalization agenda, the economic policy is predetermined."

From Structural Adjustment to Elections Without Choice

The report traces the roots of the democratic crisis in Africa to the 1980s and 1990s when structural adjustment programs designed by the IMF and World Bank swept across the continent.

Although ostensibly aimed at stabilizing economies, they imposed financial austerity, privatization of public assets, and trade liberalization.

This economic approach coincided with a wave of political liberalization, where one-party systems transitioned to multiparty systems.

However, according to the report, this coincidence was toxic as "bullets were replaced by ballots, but the economic directives continued to come from Washington and Paris."

Furthermore, the report asserts that "the promise associated with political liberalization has been somehow hijacked by the parallel economic liberalization agenda and its regressive social outcomes."

Countries gained the right to vote but lost the right to determine their economic destiny, resulting in a widening gap between electoral politics and policy-making.

The report notes that governments may change, but macroeconomic policies remain strikingly similar, adding, "For many citizens, the ballot boxes are no longer a tool for real change."

Political analyst Iman Itok tells Africa Report that "Africans have gained the right to vote, but they have not gained power. Bullets have been replaced by ballots, but the economic directives still come from Washington and Paris."

The CFA Franc and the Sovereignty Illusion

The report places significant emphasis on the CFA Franc, the currency linked to the Euro used by 14 countries in West and Central Africa, which Sylla describes as a "colonial currency" because its foundations established under French rule remain in place to this day.

The report states that legal agreements ensure that the French treasury retains ultimate control, limiting the autonomy of CFA Franc countries' policies, and adds, "Whenever leaders defy Paris, the CFA Franc becomes a weapon."

When the military council seized power in Mali in 2021, and sanctions were imposed that cut the country off from its reserves, many Malians discovered how limited their government's control over its economy was.

Sylla points out that democratic transitions in Africa, once seen as achievements, were built on a shaky foundation. In contrast, Guinea, which issues its currency, was not subject to the same interventions.

This means, according to Sylla, that CFA Franc countries remain exposed to external interventions that continue to undermine their sovereignty.

Itok states, "The CFA Franc is not just a currency; it is a restraint. The more the government pulls the rope, the tighter Paris pulls it."

Inequality and the Land Question

One of the most controversial parts of the report is its analysis of inequality in Africa's most celebrated democracies, such as South Africa, Namibia, and Botswana, which are consistently ranked among the most stable and liberal countries.

However, they are also among the most unequal societies in the world, primarily due to entrenched patterns of land ownership.

Sylla cites political researcher Michael Albertus, whose research showed that the largest land redistributions of the last century occurred under authoritarian regimes, while liberal democracies maintained the privileges of elites due to institutional constraints.

Sylla states, "This finding forces us to rethink the assumption that liberal democracy is always the best path to social justice."

He adds, "You cannot claim it suits development in all circumstances," and instead calls for what he terms "substantive democracy," a system that transcends elections to include actual citizen participation in economic decisions.

Youth, Aging Elites, and the Coup Dilemma

The report highlights the growing generational gap in Africa as another source of discontent. While the continent has the world's youngest population, the average age of its longest-serving leaders is 77, which is four times that of their citizens.

Multiple studies have found that this disconnect fuels resentment and partially explains why many African youths welcomed recent military coups in the Sahel region.

Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger have witnessed popular support for soldiers who have overthrown established civilian elites.

However, the report warns against glorifying coups, as while they may temporarily lower the average age of leaders, they rarely achieve the deep reforms demanded by the youth.

Nevertheless, Sylla indicates that this phenomenon reflects desperation, stating, "If you are young, the only way you envision becoming president is by taking up arms. That is the shocking reality."

Post-Ballot Boxes: We Are Not Poor, We Are Poorly Governed

At its core, the report is a call to reimagine democracy itself. Official elections, no matter how free and fair, are insufficient if they do not achieve economic justice.

Sylla warns that frustrated peoples will increasingly turn to alternatives, whether they be strongmen, soldiers, or popular protests.

What Would Substantive Democracy Look Like in Practice?

The report proposes several ideas:

Universal public services: Health, education, housing, and social protection as guaranteed rights, funded through better use of Africa's resources.

Participatory mechanisms: Citizen assemblies, participatory budgets, and other forums to engage people directly in decision-making.

Monetary reform: Strengthening sovereignty over currencies and financial systems to prevent external actors from imposing policies.

All of this is based on the conviction that Africa is not poor; rather, it is poorly managed. Sylla states, "With good planning, the basic needs of all Africans can be met within a generation; the resources are there; what is lacking is political will and leadership."

The report places its argument in the context of an unstable global environment, where multipolar competition, climate shocks, and debt crises are reshaping Africa's choices.

For Sylla, political crises - despite their destabilizing effects - are also moments for rethinking failed systems.

The report does not call for abandoning democracy but for transforming it, emphasizing that imported liberal institutions must make way for participatory models rooted in the realities of Africa.

Itok concludes, "Young Africans send a clear message: they want democracy to mean more than just the right to vote; they want it to deliver dignity, opportunities, and sovereignty. If it does not, the legitimacy of political systems in Africa will continue to erode."

Source: Africa Report